As the people of Oyo State approach another vital period that demands their utmost civic participation, the story of this imminent gubernatorial succession becomes incomplete without a reflection on the waning tenure of Governor Seyi Makinde. As a state that has long upheld the reputation for being fiercely independent in their choice of leadership, Oyo has historically been a graveyard for second-term aspirations. However, with the re-election of Governor Seyi Makinde in 2023, having defied this convention for only the second time since the start of the Fourth Republic in 1999, his tenure appeared to be distinct enough to warrant a renewed mandate.
May 29, 2019. A day that vibrantly unfolded in triumph with the inauguration of the popularly elected governorship candidate, Seyi Makinde, at the Obafemi Awolowo Stadium in Ibadan. For the masses, the ceremony was more than a defined transition; it was a day that officially permitted them to look towards a new leader and anticipate a fresh sense of vision. A vision he tagged Omituntun 1.0, illustrating his new approach to governance based on a 4-point Agenda: Economy, Education, Healthcare, and Security. This focus was in accordance with his administration’s manifesto titled, “Oyo State Roadmap for Accelerated Development, 2019-2023.” At that time, it might be general to have quickly assumed such an agenda to come off as generic as any other leader would have promised these same reformative packages, but the final verdict could only be delivered upon the actual substance of execution.
The removal of the ₦3000 levy paid by public school students was arguably the most rapid policy change in recent memory, earning widespread approval as a welcome financial relief from the burdens imposed in the past. This policy, introduced by the last administration, had met with fierce resistance from the onset. Despite the previous government’s defence that the levy was a necessary measure introduced to help fund schools, it yielded little change in the educational landscape and much in the way of public resentment. Thus, it is safe to say the lifting of this burden proved to be a tangible act that restored the State’s pride in its legacy of Awolowo’s free education.
The most complex of the existing crises the current administration inherited was the perennial funding conflict over the joint ownership of the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology (LAUTECH) between Oyo and Osun States. As shared financial responsibilities often led to disagreements, these tensions reached a breaking point when Nigeria entered a major economic recession in 2016, and both owner states began to default on their monthly subventions. Persistent funding shortfalls led to recurring staff strikes, inadequate infrastructure, student unrest, and a surge in criminal activity—factors that collectively caused a steep decline in educational standards. The most disruptive episode was the nine-month strike that took place between June 2016 and March 2017, a forced hiatus that effectively consumed an entire academic session. It was at this juncture that measures were introduced by the former administration, including a communiqué reaffirming joint ownership, the auditing of the university’s finances, and most prominently, the belated injection of ₦500 million by both states to settle outstanding salaries.
However, the relapse in late 2018 revealed a gap that could not be bridged by a superficial monetary intervention. It became clear that the root cause—joint ownership—had to be addressed. With another 10-day warning strike by the ASUU happening under his watch just months after Seyi Makinde took office in 2019, the lines drew taut, leading the administration to forgo their earlier plans of rescuing the alliance to pursue a one-state commitment resolution. What eventually became a victory in November 2020 was a formal dissolution of the joint ownership structure by the National Universities Commission (NUC), granting Oyo State sole ownership of the main campus and teaching hospital in Ogbomoso, while Osun State took full possession of the College of Health Sciences in Osogbo. Beyond this achievement, he further sought to isolate the institution from the recurring disruptions of the National ASUU body, insisting that a university that was finally enjoying stable state funding should no longer be held hostage by federal strikes.
Following these institutional reforms was a shift towards infrastructure for economic expansion, which started off with the landmark reconstruction of the 65km Moniya-Ijaye-Iseyin road. During its commissioning on June 3, 2021, the Governor noted that the route’s long-standing deplorable condition had hindered accessibility for students, traders, and farmers. This was a major limitation, as the route served as a link between Ibadan and Oke-Ogun, Oyo’s food basket. For the school students, it happened that some of their parents even had to withdraw them from school due to their inability to navigate the road. While the former administration had awarded the contract for the total reconstruction of the road in 2018, progress remained sluggish and failed to meet the “load-bearing” standards required for a road that connects an agricultural hub to the city. These technical deficiencies spurred the current administration to revoke the previous contract and re-award it with higher specifications, resulting in a ₦2.9 billion increase over the initial ₦7 billion valuation. What the state currently enjoys is a road that takes a shorter time to travel, invalidates the need for increased fares, and allays worries of potential accidents.
In tandem with these infrastructural developments, the economy recorded significant growth thanks to agricultural reforms aimed at supporting commercial Agribusiness hubs and driving foreign investment. Profitable farming was made easier by the distribution of inputs and loans worth ₦1 billion through the Agricultural Credit Corporation to help farmers expand. Mechanisation was also buoyed by the introduction of 50% tractor subsidy for farmers in rural areas, coupled with the provision of extension services for awareness on good agricultural practices and climate-smart farming.
The government also embarked on the construction of about 68km of rural roads in late January 2025 to address post-harvest losses commonly attributed to an inability to transport farm produce to urban markets. This came under the Rural Access and Agricultural Marketing Project (RAAMP). The Agro-Logistics program, a subsector of RAAMP, which included the physical improvement of three major markets, also received funding support from the World Bank and the French Development Agency. And amongst all this, youth-oriented initiatives received central consideration, positioning Oyo’s young population to drive change in the agricultural sector and the state as a whole. Significant amongst these was Governor Makinde’s Youth Entrepreneurship in Agribusiness Project (YEAP), which is said to have trained over 3,000 youths in technology-driven food systems.
Whether or not it can be attested to that a term outdid the other largely depends on what the people might label as priority to them. Omituntun 2.0, as the name implies, was designed to build upon the first phase and restrategize towards deeper reforms. However, the trajectory from 2019 to the present has not been devoid of friction points that raise significant questions.
A major criticism leveled at the administration is the acute shortage of healthcare workers—a crisis fueled by the ‘Japa Syndrome’—which has left many newly renovated facilities understaffed and struggling to meet the needs of the populace. While credit cannot be denied regarding the infrastructural innovations in the healthcare sector, most notably the revitalization of over 260 Primary Healthcare Centres and the modernization of secondary facilities like the Ring Road State Hospital and the General Hospital at Tede, these physical achievements are increasingly overshadowed by the inadequacy of personnel.
The consequences of this scarcity are evidenced in the high rates of maternal and neonatal deaths, shortage of essential drugs, inefficient emergency response, outbreak of infectious diseases and an inevitable prevalence of quackery. While the administration recently moved to bridge this gap by inducting nearly 4,000 new primary health workers in early 2026, the long-term feasibility of this move remains a brooding cloud.
The LAUTECH Teaching Hospital crisis is not an exception to this shortcoming. Incessant complaints have been pressed regarding the dire condition of the hospital, majorly stemming from the dwindling of staff numbers, poor remuneration and lack of government support. A letter addressed to the governor by the Association of Resident Doctors, LAUTECH Teaching Hospital, contained a statement that captured the urgency of the situation in cold, yet factual terms: the doctors resign almost on a weekly basis! In addition to this crisis, the doctors claimed the government has failed to implement the new minimum wage package approved in January 2025. And yet, if an oversight of this magnitude could ever be condoned, it certainly shouldn’t be at the expense of the medical students.
“LAUTECH Teaching Hospital plays an indispensable role in training undergraduate students in Medicine, Nursing, Medical Laboratory Science, and other allied health disciplines, alongside postgraduate training in diverse specialities”— as reiterated by ARD-LTH. Unfortunately, the plight of these medical students in recent years blurs the norms of what standard training should look like. Following a four-month strike that spanned from July 31, 2025, to December 2, 2025, over the unimplemented Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS), academic and clinical activities were brought to a grinding halt. Postings were affected, exams delayed, and a massive academic backlog was created. As of early 2026, they were seen clamouring against the Senate-approved transfer of Anatomy and Physiology departments out of the College of Health Sciences, fearing that it would devalue their training. Ultimately, the government’s efforts have barely created any shift in the school’s dysfunction, directly contradicting their commitment to qualitative education.
Moreso, the brewing debt profile of Oyo State poses the giant question: Is the administration building monuments at the expense of its people?
While the statistics conveys a notable reduction in external debt by 36% and domestic debt by 22% by the end of 2025, the relative lag in domestic debt reduction suggests that the state is still heavily leveraged against local financial institutions to fund its massive infrastructure projects. Critics also argue that despite the high Internally Generated Revenue (IGR), the state’s debt servicing costs continue to swallow the funds meant for essential social services. Additionally, this sovereign focus on infrastructure has fueled a growing public sentiment that the administration is prioritizing ‘concrete over citizens.’ A glaring example of this ‘infrastructure over welfare’ approach was the enforcement of a 500-meter setback on both sides of the 110km Rashidi Ladoja Circular road. This policy, which led to the demolition of numerous homes along the corridor, highlights a government more invested in the aesthetics of urban expansion than in the stability and welfare of its people.
Certainly, the ₦5.8 billion compensation disbursement approved on April 22, 2026, which follows over ₦800 million paid out in prior tranches over the last 18 months, could still be pointed to as proof of the administration’s benevolence, but this gesture barely scratches the surface of the devastation. Compensation cannot replace the social fabric of uprooted communities, the loss of ancestral heritage, or the psychological trauma of displacement. To tie back to the subject of debt, the tragedy of this displacement is compounded by the heavy-handed nature of the project’s financing. While the government says the circular road will grow the economy, the way they are paying for it creates a financial crisis for the future. But utilizing a ‘buy now, pay later’ deal with contractors, they are kicking this can further down the road and only leaving a massive debt for the next administration.
Beyond the financial crisis, the basic safety and productivity of Oyo State are under immense pressure. While the administration points to the ‘Amotekun’ corps as a success, rising cases of kidnapping and local thuggery suggest that security is becoming more of a slogan than a reality. Similarly, the state’s ambitious independent power projects have yet to reach the average small business owner or the rural resident. For many, the lack of reliable electricity remains a ‘bottleneck’ that makes the high IGR, which the government boasts about, feel like a burden on the people rather than a benefit. When you combine these dark streets with unsafe neighborhoods, the ‘Omituntun’ promise of prosperity becomes a compromised vision—one that looks better on a campaign poster than it feels in a family’s living room.
The Pivot to the 2027 Election: What Should Students Expect?
With less than a year to witness another administration ride the seat of power, the question of whether this transition would be more of a burden inheritance or a new season to await newer initiatives would be determined by what the outgoing administration can rearrange within this narrow timeframe. While Governor Makinde himself is ineligible for a third term by the constitution, his frequent references to a 3.0 era have been interpreted by rival parties, the APC and emerging third forces, as not just a plan for a successor but to establish a political dynasty.
Hence, with this knowledge, we should expect a season of unprecedented political drama—not in the sense of one that has never happened before, but one that seeks to redefine the very rules of engagement. This “redefinition of engagement” will find its most fertile ground among the youth, particularly the student population. We are likely to see an influx of targeted digital campaigns, expanded bursary promises, and sudden infrastructural “facelifts” within campus environments as the ruling party seeks to cement its legacy. This period will feature a barrage of enticements, ranging from tech-hub sponsorships to leadership summits, all designed to capture the “youth pulse.” On the other hand, the opposition will likely pivot towards high-intensity intellectual engagement, challenging students to question the sustainability of the current debt profiles and the ageless topic of post-graduation employment.
And at the end of the day, power will change hands depending on the endpoint of these plots and schemes: a vote cast in a candidate’s favour. But whether the ruling party steps down or retains its seat… well, that remains a reality only the dawn of 2027 can reveal.
Omotesho Ifeoluwa
